Dramatic scenes as opposition supporters rush “White House” and president reportedly offers his resignation.

24.03.2005    Institute for War and Peace Reporting.

Opposition supporters are in control of the White House, the main government building in the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek. Unconfirmed reports from local media say President Askar Akaev has offered to step down.

Leaders of the opposition announced an emergency meeting of the outgoing parliament for the evening of March 24.

Between 1,000 and 2,000 people stormed the building after crowds of protesters built up on the square outside on March 24.

There were scuffles as the crowds tried to break through the lines of police forming a cordon around the government office. But the protesters forced their way through, climbed over a fence, and took over the building.

Many of the police on duty did not put up much resistance, and some dropped their riot shields and helmets on the ground before leaving their posts. Armoured personnel carriers remained stationary as people threw rocks; some crews abandoned their vehicles.

Most of the government staff working in the building left, as protesters made their way up to the seventh floor where Akaev’s office is located. They hung out banners and threw out some furniture.

Inside the government building, IWPR contributors saw several senior officials surrounded by the crowd. The head of the National Security Service, Kalyk Imankulov, Defence Minister Esen Topoev, National Guard commander Abdygul Chotbaev, and the deputy head of presidential administration, Bolot Januzakov, were captured by the protesters.

IWPR contributors saw demonstrators attempting to beat Imankulov and Topoev, but the latter was soon released and the former subsequently escaped.

Demonstrators said Januzakov and Chotbaev were badly beaten, and the former was taken to hospital.

Fresh security forces and ambulances were brought in but stationed behind the building, away from the focus of the protests.

The president was not in the government building when it was stormed, and was instead reportedly at his residence outside Bishkek. According to unconfirmed reports, members of the Akaev family were taken to the Russian military airbase near the capital.

Opposition leader Adakhan Madumarov told IWPR that late on March 23, Akaev refused to meet a delegation of five deputies from the incoming parliament, who offered to initiate negotiations between the opposition and the authorities. The move followed talks between deputies and the opposition at Bishkek’s Hyatt hotel.

On March 24, some members of parliament issued a call on national TV for the opposition and president to begin a dialogue.

The demonstrators included many residents of Bishkek – but among those IWPR spoke to, a good number were originally from Jalalabad in the south and were working as market traders in the capital. They had been joined by opposition supporters who had managed to make the trip from Jalalabad in recent days.

Earlier in the morning the crowds were addressed by opposition leaders Adakhan Madumarov, Roza Otunbaeva and Ismail Isakov. Acting Minister of Interior Keneshbek Duyshebaev – whom Akaev appointed only the previous day - attempted to talk to the demonstrators but was hissed off the stage.

At 5 pm local time, the state-run Kyrgyz National Television announced it would from now on provide broadcast time to all political forces and promised that there would be no censorship.. The broadcaster has been criticised for one-sided coverage of the recent disturbances.

Several opposition leaders then appeared live on KTR television to announce that the outgoing parliament (rather than the recently-elected body) would convene the next day for a joint meeting with the supreme court and the Central Election Commission.

The time of the meeting was later brought forward to 8 pm on March 24.

Felix Kulov, a leading political figure who was given a ten-year jail term in 2002, was freed by some 300 opposition supporters from the Moldavanovka prison near Bishkek.

Brought back to the city, he appeared on KTR TV to call for order to be maintained so as to prevent violence. He added that he was aware the authorities had agents provocateurs, and warned that he knew them all by name, and they would be punished if they attempted to stir up trouble. He referred in particular to a group of men in plain clothes wearing identical white baseball caps who attacked participants in a Bishkek rally on March 23.

Leila Saralaeva is an independent journalist in Bishkek. Sultan Jumagulov is a BBC correspondent in Bishkek. Ainagul Abddrakhmanova is IWPR programme coordinator in Kyrgyzstan. Sultan Kanazarov, a correspondent for Radio Azattyk (the Kyrgyz service of RFE/RL) also contributed to this report.

Opposition leaders hold out for high-level talks after thousands of protesters foil police attempt to wrest control of major southern cities.

After violent scenes in two major southern cities at the weekend, the Kyrgyz government appears to have withdrawn its police and instead called for negotiations.

At first light on March 20, special police units stormed regional government buildings in the cities of Osh and Jalalabad which were being held by opposition supporters. But by the following afternoon, thousands of people had recaptured the buildings and were in effective control of both cities.

As this report was published, opposition leaders were in little mood to talk to a government that had just ordered police to be used against them, and instead appeared to be insisting on direct negotiations with President Askar Akaev.

Over recent weeks, the protests grew out of countrywide demonstrations by supporters of candidates who felt they had been cheated of victory by alleged government manipulation of the recent parliamentary election, held in two rounds on February 27 and March 13.

But by last week, protests in the south of Kyrgyzstan, at least, had grown into something else: with opposition party leaders in attendance, crowds of thousands of people were calling on President Akaev to step down without waiting for the October presidential election.

Protesting crowds seized the regional government building in Osh on March 18, meeting little resistance from the security forces posted outside. The following day the opposition held a “kurultai”, or popular congress, similar to one that had been held in Jalalabad on March 15.

The Osh rally was attended by 15,000 to 20,000 people both from the city and surrounding areas, and elected an informal regional leadership. Anvar Artykov, a former member of parliament, was made head of a “people’s council” whose stated aim is Akaev’s resignation. Duyshen Chotonov, the deputy head of the Ata Meken party who lost his seat in the first round of voting, became regional coordinator of the People’s Unity Movement, a nationwide umbrella group set up after the recent election.

Two weeks earlier, similar protests in Jalalabad led to crowds taking control of the regional administration there.

Kyrgyz government officials had warned that they might act to restore order in both cities. However, what happened next took everyone by surprise.

Early on the morning of March 20, police units stormed the Osh building. Alybek Baitikov, the regional chief of police, said later that the operation involved a crack police unit sent from the capital Bishkek, and up to 150 soldiers from the interior ministry forces.

It was impossible to verify reports from demonstrators who said that members of the special police unit had told them they were from the neighbouring state of Kazakstan.

Human rights activist Aziza Abdrasulova, who witnessed the event, said that as the police entered the building, there were about 30 women on chairs just inside the entrance.

“The soldiers started beating them with batons, then they rushed inside, swept through the offices and forced everyone out. The sleepy picketers, the majority of whom were women and elderly, did not put up any resistance,” she told IWPR.

The lightening operation left 14 protesters in hospital and another 84 in police custody. Five law officers were also injured, one of them by a Molotov cocktail.

Simultaneously, the regional government building in Jalalabad was also stormed. In a similar early-morning operation, about 200 police rushed to the premises which contained about the same number of protesters, most of whom were asleep.

Eyewitnesses said police beat up some of those inside the building, who included women and elderly people. They then transported detainees in three trucks to local police stations.

But within three hours, large crowds of people started converging on the city centre. An IWPR contributor estimated the number at up to 40,000. They included many young men from the countryside, armed with sticks, shovels and stones.

At around 1 pm that day, the crowds reached Jalalabad’s main square and easily recaptured the regional government building.

They went on to attack the city police department, where regional governor Jusupbek Sharipov had established his temporary office for the past two weeks. They began by throwing stones and Molotov cocktails through the gates of the compound, and police responded by firing blank shots. Then the protesters got hold of a police bus and rammed the gates. At this point, the law officers surrendered.

Part of the police building caught fire and quickly burned down.

By the end of the day, the opposition had effectively seized control of the city, and had taken the airport so that police reinforcements could not be flown in.

According to eyewitness accounts, many of the protesters were beaten up by officers. The police also suffered casualties, but the picture remains confused and it is difficult to obtain accurate figures.

An interior ministry official, who asked to remain anonymous, told IWPR, “We don’t know for sure what happened, because some policemen switched to the opposition side and others fled the scene.”

Kurmanbek Bakiev, a leading figure in the opposition, told journalists that he had received no reports of fatalities, noting, “Twenty-three people have sought medical assistance in Jalalabad, including 10 military servicemen. Seven civilians were hospitalised, two of them with gunshot wounds including one who was seriously injured. One woman was taken to hospital with gas poisoning.”

With Jalalabad firmly in opposition hands, Osh was next. The following day, March 21, a large column snaked towards the centre of the city often termed Kyrgyzstan’s “southern capital”.

Despite the high level of political tension, officials were at that moment in the main square, trying to host public celebrations of Nooruz, the springtime date for the traditional new year.

Suddenly the column - around 5,000 people - burst onto the square. Many had come armed with sticks, iron bars and Molotov cocktails, but in the event they recaptured the regional government building without a fight. The three rows of policemen ringing the premises simply melted away.

They went on to take control of the regional and city police departments and the National Security Service – all of which were deserted by the time they got there.

About 3,000 people assembled on the main square to be addressed by people’s council chairman Anvar Artykov, Atajurt movement co-leader Roza Otunbaeva and other opposition leaders.

Colonel Erkin Esenaliev, deputy head of Osh regional police, appeared with the politicians to assure the crowds that his officers were on their side and would not act against them.

Some bystanders expressed concern that with so many young men on the loose, the opposition leaders would be unable to stop looting. The congress ordered the formation of informal militias to keep order. Artykov had earlier toured the streets calling on people not to damage public property, “It no longer belongs to Akaev, it’s all ours, the people’s.”

Artykov set the tone for the opposition’s new, tough stance when it came to talking to the Kyrgyz authorities, telling reporters, “We do not intend to hold any more negotiations with the authorities or Akaev. We have attempted to negotiate but with no result.”

By contrast, the government in Bishkek showed a degree of readiness to talk to its opponents that it had not displayed in recent weeks. Late on March 20, Prime Minister Nikolai Tanaev told TV viewers that negotiations were needed, and his remarks were backed up by officials from the presidential administration the following morning.

Chotonov was unsympathetic to the offer, saying, “The authorities have been trying the voters’ patience for too long: they waited more than ten days, hungry and in the rain, for government representatives to come and see them, but no one did.

“Now we’ve realised what Akaev’s vaccine is: to crush the people’s will by exhausting their physical strength and nerves. I don’t think the people will negotiate with him now.”

Chotonov’s words were echoed by Otunbaeva, who said, “Once popular rule has been established in Batken region [the third province of south Kyrgyzstan], the opposition forces will be ready to march on Bishkek. We are ready to stand till the end in order that our demand for Askar Akaev’s resignation is met. We no longer see any subject on which we could negotiate with the government.”

In Bishkek, Kurmanbek Bakiev held out the possibility of talks – but only if the were with Akaev, not his ministers.

“The fact that Tanaev, [presidential staff deputy chief Bolot] Januzakov and other ministers want to start talks is not a solution to the problem,” he said. “They don’t resolve such matters, it is not within their mandate, and it will be time spent in vain.

“Akaev alone should take part in negotiations. I realise that if all the state bodies that were responsible for falsifying the elections are dismissed, it will be difficult to rule the country and retain political stability. That is the reason for holding a dialogue with the president. If Akaev will not want to talk on his own, I believe he’ll be forced to by international organisations.”

At the moment the authorities are not giving clear signals as to whether they would accept such talks.

Valentin Bogatyriov, the head of the International Institute for Strategic Research and a presidential adviser, told IWPR, “The opposition is prepared to hold negotiations, but the thing is that they want to negotiate only with the president himself and don’t want to talk to anyone else. I don’t know whether the president is ready for talks.”

A senior official, who wished to remain anonymous, was pessimistic, saying, “It’s hard for me to envisage successful negotiations, as there are no real subjects to talk about. A number of opposition leaders see no point in negotiating, and Akaev himself isn’t ready for talks.”

At the height of the weekend’s turbulent events, there was some confusion about Akaev’s whereabouts. Reports from opposition sources that he was in fact in Moscow seeking to shore up his political position were confirmed by Central Asia-watcher Arkady Dubnov, who writes for the Moscow newspaper Vremia Novostei.

“Despite denials from the presidential press secretary and the state secretary, Askar Akaev is in fact in Moscow. He arrived there late on Saturday night [March 20]. Sources in president Putin’s administration confirmed this. They also noted that on Sunday, Putin did not meet with Akaev. They don’t know whether the meeting will take place later,” said Dubnov.

Later on March 21, Akaev was back in Bishkek, although he missed the Nooruz celebration he usually appears at.

Although Akaev did not directly address the dramatic events in the south, he appeared to be making an attempt to deal with some of the concerns previously raised by the opposition. The official news agency Kabar reported that the president called a meeting with Central Election Commission chief Sulaiman Imanbaev and the head of Kyrgyzstan’s supreme court, Kurmanbek Osmonov, and instructed them to speed up the work of checking complaints and disputes over the recent elections. He directed them to focus on those constituencies where the “public response” had been greatest.

In Osh, late on March 21, opposition supporters seized 96 members of a police snatch unit that had allegedly led the police raid on the regional government building, and were now at the airport trying to leave.

Earlier in the day, opposition leader Bakiev warned, “The situation in the south is changing rapidly and people are becoming less controllable, and that is causing grave concern to our representatives in Osh and Jalalabad. The situation is extremely explosive.”

Alisher Saipov is a correspondent for the Fergana news agency. Alla Pyatibratova is an independent journalist in Osh. Ainagul Abdrakhmanova is IWPR’s programme coordinator in Kyrgyzstan. Leila Saralaeva is an independent journalist in Bishkek.

Crowds in southern city of Jalalabad demand annulment of the first-round parliamentary election.

By Jalil Saparov in Jalalabad, and Sultan Jumagulov and Leila Saralaeva in Bishkek (RCA No. 355, 07-Mar-05)

Demonstrators alleging government interference in the parliamentary election have rallied across Kyrgyzstan to demand that the results of the poll be set aside.

From north to south, President Askar Akaev is facing calls for early presidential elections and the annulment of the February 27 vote, which the opposition said was unfair and dishonest.

Foreign election monitors reported extensive violations in the voting, including restrictions on the press and the last minute cancellation of the registration of candidates seen as unsympathetic to the current authorities.

More than half the country’s parliamentary seats are yet to be decided, and a run-off poll is to be held on March 13.

An almost total information blackout means many people in Kyrgyzstan still have little idea of what’s going on. Most websites are blocked, RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz service Azattyk is off the air, and state run television channels have been largely silent about the allegations of electoral fraud.

The city of Jalalabad in southern Kyrgyzstan is the main flashpoint, with a large opposition-organised protest growing in size since late last week. The Jalalabad region has long been an opposition stronghold.

About 100 people have occupied the regional government headquarters in Jalalabad since March 4, throwing ripped-up photos of President Akaev out of the windows. Up to 5,000 others are rallying in the square outside, their numbers swelled from the original 1,000 with the arrival of demonstrators from out of town.

The city centre is cordoned off, and people who want to travel into Jalalabad have to pass through police checkpoints, with some cars with provincial numberplates being turned away in an effort to stop the protest growing.

Undeterred, and chanting “Akaev resign”, the protestors have set up two traditional yurts and are refusing to leave until the country’s leaders agree to step down. They say they have not come to support any particular candidate but to protest against a poll they insist was deeply flawed.

“People came to the square … for justice that we lack so much in our life,” said Ilyas Aisariev, who was on the scene as a member of the opposition People’s Movement of Kyrgyzstan which, along with Erk and Jany Kyrgyzstan, helped organise the protest. “They came to stand up for their rights which had been violated by the incumbent regime. The authorities denied them the right to choice through blatant interference in the election process. People ran out of patience and took to the square.”

In Bishkek, People’s Movement deputy chairwoman Ishengul Boljurova added, “This is the people’s protest against absurd, dirty elections that took place with great falsifications.”

Prominent opposition politicians Kurmanbek Bakiev, Dooronbek Sadyrbaev and Usen Sydykov have visited the scene of the protest, and have urged the government to reconvene parliament to discuss the current crisis and cancel the results of the 27 poll.

“The authorities are not even trying to satisfy the interests and demands of the people and on the contrary, are displaying cynicism at every step,” Bakiev told IWPR.

So far such appeals for negotiation have fallen on deaf ears, and early this week the situation appeared to be worsening.

Presidential press secretary Abdil Segizbaev described the demands to annul the vote as a “provocation”, and accused the opposition of attempting to incite civil war.

Meanwhile, interior ministry troops and police are on the scene, and an IWPR source said up to 50 men from a special-operations police unit planned to retake the administration building overnight on March 7-8. However, the men are said to be under orders to refrain from using firearms, so as to avoid a repeat of events in Aksy in 2002, when six protestors died after police opened fire on a crowd.

There have also been confrontations between opposition supporters and pro-government demonstrators. Police and soldiers formed a cordon between the two camps on March 6, after a minor skirmish between the two groups that ended with pro-Akaev placards being torn up.

Jalalabad governor Jusupbek Sharipov, with whom the occupiers have refused to meet, has strongly condemned the protestors, accusing losing candidates of stirring up trouble for their own benefit.

“Some people who lost the elections are specially organising these actions,” he said. “Their goal is to get elected. We had normal, transparent elections without violations. Today’s actions are illegal and the organisers should be held responsible.”

Bishkek is also dismissive of the protestors. The deputy head of the presidential administration, Bolot Januzakov, told journalists on March 5 that authorities have the situation under control. He denied the Jalalabad building was occupied, saying local government officials were working there as usual.

Asked whether the authorities were in contact with the demonstrators, Januzakov repeated that the regional government was functioning as normal. “I don’t have to run down there to calm down a few hundred people,” he said.

A high-ranking official who wished to remain anonymous told IWPR, “Why should we fuss about it? They are demonstrating there in exchange for money. When the money’s gone, they will go back home by themselves. When we introduce a state of emergency, the opposition will regret a hundred times that it started this political intrigue.”

The opposition denied it had paid anyone to rally on its behalf. Bektur Asanov, a former parliamentary deputy who lost on February 27, said people had come to Jalalabad to express their discontent. He believes the people of Kyrgyzstan have been victims of electoral fraud.

“My district has 34,000 people living there, but when they counted it up, it turned out that 41,000 people voted,” he said. “Seven thousand non-existent people were added to the lists. The people are definitely dissatisfied. But I did not call on the people to engage in civil war – that’s lies on the part of the authorities.”

Kapar Kaipov, a pensioner from Suzak district in the Jalalabad region, reacted indignantly to suggestions he had been paid to protest. “We simply want justice to rule and our children to live in a decent, fair and prosperous society. Our hopes for the future can’t have a price put to them, and they cannot be sold, ” he said.

The protests have spread from southern region north to the villages of Ottuk and Kyzyl-Tuu in the Naryn region. There, more than 2,000 supporters of opposition deputy Ishenbay Kadyrbekov on March 6 blocked the Bishkek-Torugart road, stopping about 800 vehicles. Arsarbek Ismanov, a Kadyrbekov supporter, told IWPR, “The authorities… don’t respect their people and they violate the rights of voters. When will we vote honestly for the people we want?”

Outrage at the alleged electoral irregularities has united the opposition as never before.

Roza Otunbaeva, a leader of the opposition movement Atajurt, believes Kyrgyzstan’s Central Election Commission and the judicial system have been discredited. She fears the next round of voting will be little better than the first.

“The local authorities have discredited themselves completely,” she said. “They blatantly interfere in the election processes. There is wholesale bribery going on. In the second round, they will want to act even more shamelessly and secure their victory.”

Bakyt Orunbekov, who edits the Fergana newspaper, believes the only way to resolve the crisis is for both sides to meet face to face. “Mutual recriminations by the authorities and the opposition could result in long term confrontation. They urgently need to sit down at the negotiating table and find a way out of the political crisis,” he said.

Jalil Saparov is an independent journalist in Jalalabad. Sultan Jumagulov is a BBC correspondent in Bishkek. Leila Saralaeva is an independent journalist in Bishkek. Alia Abdulina, an independent journalist in Naryn, contributed to this report.

1. Кыргызстан вновь обвиняет американского посла.
2. Президент Акаев не намерен продлевать свои полномочия.
3. В Кыргызстане началась настоящая война за Интернет.
4. ОБСЕ не признает выборы в Кыргызстане демократичными.
5. Остальные наблюдатели также критикуют прошедшие выборы.
6. Госдепартамент США публикует отчеты по правам человека.
7. Влиятельный американский сенатор критикует Кыргызстан.
8. Влиятельная американская газета критикует Кыргызстан.
9. Посольство США в Бишкеке поддерживает критику ОБСЕ.
10. Кыргызстан не согласен с критикой.
11. 'Кыргызстан в будущем ждет период нестабильности'.
12. Взрыв на квартире лидера оппозиции.
13. Митинги протеста на юге Кыргызстана.
14. Митингующие требуют отставки президента.
15. Власти провоцируют расширение митингов протеста.
16. Бывший премьер требует проведения внеочередных президентских
выборов.
17. Кроме того...
96. Со-Акаизмы. Часть первая.

Please find the full version of the digest here:

http://www.cjes.ru/lenta/view_news.php?file_id=75924

Жалалабад - Свыше 300 человек в пятницу штурмом захватили трехэтажное здание Жалалабадской областной госадминистрации. Губернатора Жалалабадской области Жусупбека Шарипова во время штурма в здании не было. В здании находятся сотрудники госадминистрации, которые не могут покинуть резиденцию губернатора, опасаясь за свое здоровье.

Митинг в Жалалабаде начался 4 марта 2005 года в 10:00 часов утра, сторонники кандидата в депутаты Жусупбека Бакиева собрались перед зданием областной госадминистрации. Митингующие требуют отставки Президента КР, губернатора Жалалабадской области, его зама, мэра г. Жалалабада, глав местных правоохранительных органов и отмены итогов голосования 27 февраля.

Большинство митингующих, одетых в розовые шарфы, являются жителями Сузакского района. Митинг организован братьями Джусупбеком и Акматбеком Бакиевыми. 

Около 16:00 часов дня начались переговоры митингующих с представителями официальных властей в лице замгубернатора Жалалабадской области.

Постепенно сотрудники облгосадминистрации покидают здание. По уточненным данным, в митинге принимают участие более 400 человек, 200 из которых находятся в здании облгосадминистрации, 200 человек на улице. Число представителей правоохранительных органов достигает около 20 человек. В целом, ситуация в Жалалабаде спокойная, случаев насилия не наблюдается.

Митингующие ожидают приезда лидера политического движения НДК Курманбека Бакиева, лидера политической партии «Ата-Журт» (Отечество) Розу Отунбаеву и других лидеров оппозиции.

АКИpress

Вчера в актовом зале отеля «Достук» состоялся гражданский форум «Свобода слова в Кыргызстане», который явился реакцией нашей общественности на негативные тенденции в стране, направленные на удушение свободных и независимых СМИ.
    Наряду с митингами, которые в настоящее время проходят по всему Кыргызстану, это событие стало центральным в политической жизни республики. Хотя бы потому, что на форуме присутствовали около ста лидеров НПО, политических партий, корреспондентов ведущих СМИ Кыргызстана.
    Организатором форума были Общественный фонд “Кылым Шамы”, ресурсный центр “Интербилим”, Общественный фонд “За международную толерантность”.
    Модератором выступила редактор газеты “Лица “ Бермет Букашева.
    От властей Кыргызстана присутствовали шеф пресс–службы президента страны Абдиль Сегизбаев, эксперт юридического отдела аппарата премьер–министра Зоотбай Добаев, член ЦИК Нина Мухина. В том числе на форум были приглашены ответственные работники АО “Северэлектро” и гендиректор РПО/РМТР. В противовес им на форуме выступали с короткими докладами Топчубек Тургуналиев, Курманбек Бакиев, Дооронбек Садырбаев, Болот Шамшиев, Роза Отунбаева и другие.
    Практически все говорили о том, что страна находится на очень опасной грани, когда агонизирующая власть не желает, чтобы народ имел доступ к свободным и независимым каналам информации. С этим категорически не соглашался Абдиль Сегизбаев, заявляя, что у нас все хорошо, особенно в сравнении с нашими соседями, и что весь этот шум–гам был искусственно поднят некоторыми представителями оппозиции, которые рвутся во властные структуры. Досталось от него и нашей газете, когда он обвинил редакцию в том, что мы своими статьями отрабатываем зарубежные деньги. Показал всем и некую бухгалтерскую бумагу, датированную аж 2002 годом, на которой была написана сумма выигранного тогда гранта от международной организации в сумме 30 тысяч долларов.
    Остальные представители властных структур и сочувствующие им, такие, как экс–депутат кыргызского парламента Юсупханов и Чалажанов из Ассамблеи народа Кыргызстана, вели себя сдержанно, призывая обе стороны — власть и оппозицию — к диалогу.
    Стороны так и не переубедили друг друга, Абдиль Сегизбаев оказался несгибаемым, тем более что с точки зрения авторитарных режимов Узбекистана и Туркменистана наша власть, конечно же, может продолжать и дальше гордиться тем, что она является демократической. И значит, согласно этой убогой логике, можно и дальше давить и зажимать немногие оставшиеся в стране свободные СМИ.
    Впрочем, форум практически был единодушен в отношении негативной оценки “разгромного” телешоу, устроенного Осмонакуном Ибраимовым и Абдилем Сегизбаевым недавно на КТР с целью дискредитации газеты “МСН”, насыщенного призывами к скорой расправе над “МСН” в духе 37–го года прошлого века. И всех удивил гендиректор РПО/РМТР Кубанычбек Бегалиев, пытаясь убедить всех, что отключение частоты вещания “Азаттыка” никак не связано с политикой. Точно так же представитель “Северэлектро” строил круглые глаза, готовый подтвердить заявления Абдиля Сегизбаева относительно того, что отключение независимой типографии от электричества произошло по чисто техническим причинам, что здесь нет никакого злого умысла властей. Под стать ему обаятельная телеведущая КТР Тамара Валиева так же заверяла всех, как и член ЦИК Нина Мухина, что во время выборов доступ к телеэкрану в равной степени получили как представители власти, так и оппозиционные лидеры. И что не надо по этому поводу делать голословных заявлений.
    Лучше всех оценил складывающуюся ситуацию со свободой слова в стране Болот Шамшиев: “Наша власть застыла в ужасном оскале авторитаризма и даже диктатуры, не способная понять того, что является правом, свободой, честью и достоинством. Давайте не будем наивными в отношении ее намерений. И как бы страшно ни было, будем способными на гражданский поступок, чтобы разорвать эту информационную блокаду”.
    В конце работы участники данной акции приняли обращение гражданского форума “Свобода слова в Кыргызстане” к народу республики, правительству и мировой общественности.
    Согласно первому пункту этого послания, правительство республики должно прекратить оказывать давление на радиостанцию “Азаттык”, газеты “МСН”, “Республика” и другие независимые издания с целью ограничения и прекращения их деятельности. Затем следует призыв к гражданам и лидерам НПО в областях и районах проводить семинары, “круглые столы” и митинги в защиту свободы слова в Кыргызстане.
    Третий пункт требует от властей прекратить шельмование оппозиционных лидеров в правительственных СМИ и на телевидении.
    Вместе с тем предлагается также выделить специальное время на КТР для выступления лидеров оппозиции и начать общественную кампанию по трансформации КТР в общественный канал республиканского телевидения.
    Последний пункт этого документа — есть обращение к международным организациям и правительствам России, США, Германии с просьбой обеспечить более качественное и продолжительное во времени звучание информационных каналов радиостанций “Эхо Москвы”, “Голос Америки”, Би–би–си, “Немецкая волна” и других прогрессивных информационных агентств по всей территории Кыргызстана. Поскольку в складывающейся ситуации на информационном пространстве Кыргызстана только таким путем — совместными усилиями всех наших сознательных граждан и мировой общественности — можно пробить информационную блокаду, устроенную нынешней властью, страдающей авторитаризмом и диктатурой.
    Замир Осоров.

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